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	<title>democracy &#8211; Kapok Tree Diplomacy</title>
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		<title>Blind Man’s Bluff: Kazakhstan’s Mirage of Compliance with International Obligations to Uphold the Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Assembly and Association</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/blind-mans-bluff-kazakhstans-mirage-of-compliance-with-international-obligations-to-uphold-the-freedom-of-expression-and-freedom-of-assembly-and-association/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 20 Feb 2013 21:00:55 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Human Rights & Conflict]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=396</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Leveraging billions of dollars of oil, gas and mineral reserves while avoiding major inter-ethnic conflict, Kazakhstan has become the most powerful and prosperous of all Central Asian states under the savvy and astute leadership of President Nursultan Nazarbayev and the first to chair the prestigious 56-member Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010 (Dave, 250). Despite Kazakhstan’s impressive political and economic trajectory, the state has failed to consistently recognize and secure many important civil and political rights for its citizens that are enshrined in international human rights treaties.  

The rights to the freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association may be considered cornerstones of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the OSCE Copenhagen Document, and the OSCE Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly which help to guarantee and safeguard democracy, common societal interests, and the rule of law (Kz-OSCE 4). The two rights are complementary with a violation of one often violating the other. This essay seeks to answer the following question: To what extent do Kazakhstan’s excessive restrictions on the freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association fail to meet its obligations undertaken in accordance with the ICCPR, the OSCE Copenhagen Document, and OSCE Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly? This essay will limit its coverage to the 2007 – 2011 timeframe. ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">396</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>NATO’s Role and Relevance in Post-Conflict Reconstruction And Challenges in Implementing the Comprehensive Approach</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/natos-role-and-relevance-in-post-conflict-reconstruction-and-challenges-in-implementing-the-comprehensive-approach/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/natos-role-and-relevance-in-post-conflict-reconstruction-and-challenges-in-implementing-the-comprehensive-approach/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 Feb 2013 14:04:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=352</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) purpose has evolved from one “resolved to unite their [members’] efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security” (NATO “Treaty”), to one of collective security responding to “out of area” conflicts, the organization has become far more than a military alliance. These conflicts have provided NATO the opportunity to engage in both military and non-military aspects of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) in robust peacebuilding operations aimed not only at stabilizing the security situation, but rebuilding the “socioeconomic framework of society … [to include] the framework of governance and rule of law” (Hamre &#038; Sullivan 89).
 
NATO’s ‘comprehensive approach’ to link up military and civilian resources has encountered numerous practical and political challenges, not the least of which has been a lack of adequate resources and uneven burden-sharing amongst its members. “Stated another way, NATO is an alliance … caught up in a myriad of contentious and costly operations that prevent it from appropriately posturing for the 21st century security environment” (Warren 8). 

This paper will explore NATO’s challenges in coordinating the military and civilian aspects of PCR and answer the following questions: Is NATO effective at executing complex civil-military interventions, and secondly, has the alliance found its relevance and purpose?

{The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces}]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">352</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>To what extent is the cultivation of economic growth under Western ‘free market’ principles even possible in the developing world?</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/to-what-extent-is-the-cultivation-of-economic-growth-under-western-free-market-auspices-feasible-in-the-developing-world/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 17 Feb 2013 22:35:58 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=334</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Assuming that the ‘developing world’ includes the entire developing world, not just states undergoing post-conflict reconstruction (PCR), I think we must first define what Western ‘free market’ auspices are, and how might they be cultivated under Western/liberal principles.

Gilpin asserts that “Liberalism may, in fact, be defined as a doctrine and set of principles for organizing and managing a market economy in order to achieve maximum efficiency, economic growth and individual welfare” that is committed to “free markets and minimal state intervention,” “individual equality and liberty,” and the “premise … that the individual consumer, firm, or household is the basis for society” (421-422). Does this type of economy promote the stability a developing state needs?

Liberalism has its own set of empirical economic laws geared towards stability to include: comparative advantage, marginal utility, a quantity theory of money and rational choice that lead a market economy towards a “powerful tendency towards equilibrium and inherent stability” (Gilpin 422-423). ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">334</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>The Interconnectedness of Military, Political and Economic Tools in Conflict Resolution and Post-Conflict Reconstruction</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/the-interconnectedness-of-military-political-and-economic-tools-in-conflict-resolution-and-post-conflict-reconstruction/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 17 Feb 2013 20:22:08 +0000</pubDate>
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		<category><![CDATA[spillover]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[stabilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strong market institutions]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[terrorism]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=321</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For the last twenty years following the end of the Cold War, the nature of conflict has transitioned from mostly interstate conflicts to predominantly intrastate conflicts characterized by a “complex web of social, economic, cultural, political and religious factors” (Bercovitch &#038; Jackson 3). As the context underlying conflict has changed, the approaches to conflict resolution (CR) and post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) have adapted as well. Policy-makers have a variety of military, political and economic tools at their disposal to contend with the security, welfare and political representation issues resulting from fragile and failed states. 

This essay will analyze the policy tools available for CR and PCR and in so doing answer the following questions: 

(1)	 To what extent are the political, economic and military tools available to policymakers for use in conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction interconnected?

(2)	Has the application of such tools become considerably more challenging since the end of the Cold War? If so, how and why? If not, why not? 

Section One of the essay will provide a brief summary of how the environment of conflict has changed since the end of the Cold War. Section Two will analyze the military tools. Section Three will cover the political tools, and Section Four will address the economic tools. Section Five will include a brief summary of how these tools are interconnected, but the assertion that they are interconnected will be made in each section of the essay.  

Likewise, the question of whether the application of these tools has become considerably more challenging since the end of the Cold War may be answered in the affirmative with the how and why addressed throughout each section of the paper. Section Six will conclude the paper with a brief summary of the essay. ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">321</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Zero Problems &#8211; Enhancing Security and Preventing Conflict in Turkey’s Evolving Partnerships with the European Union, United States, Middle East, Russia and Eurasia</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/zero-problems-enhancing-security-and-preventing-conflict-in-turkeys-evolving-partnerships-with-the-european-union-united-states-middle-east-russia-and-eurasia/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 17:55:01 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghanistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ahmet Davutoğlu]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AKP]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ankara Protocol]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Armenia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Armenian-Turkish relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Azerbaijan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Balkans]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Black Sea]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Sudan]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Turkey]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=290</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Turkey’s security partnerships with Europe, NATO and the United States have played an important role in its foreign policy decisions since the 1950’s as a counter to Russia during the Cold War (CountryWatch, “Political History”). Founded on the principles of “secularism, strong nationalism, statism, and to a degree, western orientation” by Mustafa Kemal after the collapse of the 600-year old Ottoman Empire (U.S. State Dept., Background Note), Turkey is uniquely positioned at the crossroads and nexus of “four areas of growing strategic importance in the post-Cold War era” (Larrabee 3): the Balkans and Europe, the Middle East and Persian Gulf region, and the Caucasus/Central Asia region. 
 
With the end of the Cold War and the onset of two Persian Gulf Wars, Turkey’s interests and strategic alliances began to markedly shift their trajectories (Larrabee 6-9). This paper will explore Turkey's recent modifications of its strategic security partnerships from the perspectives of key states within each of its regional spheres of influence in a context of conflict prevention. Section One will review the Balkans and European perspective; in Section Two the Middle East; Eurasia and the Caucasus in Section Three with a special slant on Russia; and in Section Four the United States. Section Five will review Turkey’s internal domestic issues to include the Kurdish challenge, political trends, global aspirations and some interesting comparisons with China. The paper will conclude with Section Six and some recommended conflict prevention strategies to counterbalance Turkey’s various threats. 

The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. 
]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">290</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Global Integration as Seen Through the Ideological Lenses of the International Political Economy</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/global-integration-as-seen-through-the-lenses-of-the-ideologies-of-the-international-political-economy/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:43:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance of power]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[concentration of capital]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[currency stability]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[disproportionality]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[global financial markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Grieco]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=189</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The era of globalization has brought us unprecedented levels of economic liberalization, political upheaval, technological advances, prosperity in unlikely places and enormous flows of capital, ideas, goods and services throughout the world.  Critics point out that global integration has also created unique systemic instabilities, regional and country-based financial crises, wealth disparities, real wage stagnation, sovereignty issues and unhealthy financialization of capitalism. Not many would argue that we currently find ourselves in a significant economic downturn. What does this crisis mean for the future? This paper will explore some explanations and solutions based upon an analysis of International Political Economy (IPE) ideologies.  

Realism, Liberalism and Marxism provide us with theoretical tools to systematically sort through the phenomenon of globalization in a comparative, detailed and open-minded way that is fully aware of the underlying assumptions, values and presuppositions that govern each theory’s interpretation of what happened, where we are, and where we are going.  Robert Gilpin asserts that they are, in fact, more than theories and actually represent ideologies which “entail a total belief system concerning the nature of human beings and society” (419). They represent distinct views and core assumptions involving the main actors and their goals, the importance of politics, the ideal goals of economic activity, the nature of economic relations and the best policies for states to pursue (Gilpin 419-420). 

Using three levels of analysis, this paper will assert that although Realism, Liberalism and Marxism differ significantly in their conception of IPE and assessment of global integration, it is primarily liberal economic principles operating within a realist framework that provide the most efficient mechanism for solving complex, global financial problems and generating extraordinary opportunity, innovation and socio-economic freedom for future generations. 

The first level of analysis will examine the different conceptions of (IPE) within each ideology, delineating similarities as well as significant differences. The second level will assess the phenomenon of global integration against the backdrop of each ideology’s important beliefs and policy implications. The third level of analysis consists of an assessment of the merits and dangers of “hegemonic stability” in international trade in context to the three IPE ideologies. The paper will conclude with some final thoughts on preventing future financial crises. 

* The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. *]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">189</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>The Genuine Nature of Chinese Intentions in Sub-Saharan  Africa – Peaceful Coexistence or New World Order?</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/the-genuine-nature-of-chinese-intentions-in-sub-saharan-africa-peaceful-coexistence-or-new-world-order/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 02 Feb 2013 23:28:57 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Africa]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[contradictions]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[export strategy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Forum on China-Africa Cooperation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hu Jintao]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[human rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international order]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[national interests]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[new world order]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[non-interference]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peaceful coexistence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resources for infrastructure]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[soft power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sphere of influence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state capitalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[State Owned Enterprises]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sub-Saharan Africa]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=100</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This research paper will explore Chinese intentions in sub-Saharan Africa.  It will analyze the following topics in context to China’s involvement with Africa: the ideological foundation of the Beijing Consensus; China’s trade and mercantilist development policies; the military and national security aspects of China’s activities; its strategic use of soft power and diplomacy; China’s push for a reconfigured, multipolar world order, and the implications of this order and policies for Western nations, especially the United States.

By carefully substituting national economic rights for individual human rights and non-interference over ethics and transparency, China imposes its own brand of neomercantilism and no-strings-attached foreign aid, making sure it obtains substantially more relative gains than Africa despite its constant ‘win-win’ rhetoric and assertions of equal partnership.  The main thesis of this paper is that while China simultaneously and deftly pursues an aggressive geoeconomic and geopolitical strategy that seeks to counter Western global influence by cultivating an attractive, scalable model of strategic partnership in sub-Saharan Africa based on Eastern values of peaceful coexistence and non-interference, the inherent contradictions and values within this strategy actually undermine democracy, human rights, governmental stability, state sovereignty and long-term economic viability in Africa.

The thread of China’s geoeconomic goals of securing important supplies of natural resources to feed its growing economy and enhance its global economic sphere of influence and its geopolitical goals of strengthening its leverage, interests and security within the international order will be explored throughout the paper. The first section will trace the roots of the China-Africa partnership through modern times. The second section will cover the components of China’s complex strategy: state capitalism, a mercantilist export strategy, the Beijing Consensus and foreign policy, soft power, security implications and China’s expressed desire for a new world order. The third section will cover inherent contradictions within China’s strategy as well as African resistance to it. This paper will conclude with the assertion that genuine Chinese intentions are not completely benign, but instead primarily serve national interests and mask realist aspirations for greater power and leadership on a dramatically redefined world stage.

* The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper and on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense, the Department of the Navy or the Armed Forces. *]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">100</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>Kapok Tree Diplomacy Slowly Emerges</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/hello-world/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 22 Jan 2013 02:00:28 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Welcome to Kapok Tree Diplomacy. The kapok tree is a towering and majestic tree native to tropical rainforests, rising to heights of over 150 feet, and providing food and shelter]]></description>
		
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