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		<title>China&#8217;s Assertion of Sovereign Authority in the Global Commons and the Escalation of Legal Warfare in the Arctic</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/chinas-assertion-of-sovereign-authority-in-the-global-commons-and-the-escalation-of-legal-warfare-in-the-arctic/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 02 Oct 2013 15:20:21 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[&#8220;China’s Assertion of Sovereign Authority in the Global Commons and the Escalation of Legal Warfare in the Arctic&#8221; by Jeff Dwiggins © Kapok Tree Diplomacy. June 2013. All rights reserved.]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">659</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Crafting a National Security Grand Strategy and Navigating Its Effective Integration as a Policy Across the Whole of Government</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/crafting-a-national-security-grand-strategy-and-navigating-its-effective-integration-as-a-policy-across-the-whole-of-government/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 Feb 2013 20:07:12 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=425</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[I think a good starting place to assess executive department policy integration begins with the strategy formulation phase for what types of policies the executive is going to endorse and promote. For the purposes of this post, by executive I mean ‘the President of the United States.’ Ultimately the strategic planning system identifies the ends, ways and means of a sound and compelling strategy that “integrates the processes and documents” of the people working under him and the “people and organizations with which he directly coordinates” (Meinhart 2006, 304, 311). As a scholar, I would want to know how the executive came up with the policy, what the goals were, and what the strategy was to advance the policy.

            Yarger adds that the overarching strategy must be proactive and anticipatory, resource-balanced, driven by political purposes, hierarchical, comprehensive and derived from “thorough analysis and knowledge of the strategic situation and environment” (2006, 107-111). ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">425</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Engaging the Dragon Through Peaceful Deterrence: Japan’s Need to Recalibrate Its Strategy of Accommodation with China</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 Feb 2013 17:03:11 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=408</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For the past ten years China has gradually asserted itself in the South China Sea as it has re-risen to major power status within the tenets of the Beijing Consensus and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.   Meanwhile, Japan waited until 2006 to launch its “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” grand strategy for counterbalancing China and reasserting itself in the Asia Pacific.  There are profound differences between the two strategies in terms of the values they espouse as well as their ends, ways, means for achieving the national interests. 

Japan’s strategy towards China has been primarily one of accommodation and engagement, but China has taken advantage of Japan’s polite acquiescence to their power trajectory.  Territorial disputes over the Spratlys, Paracels and now the Senkakus, combined with China’s threats of economic coercion, threaten regional stability as Japan reaches out to like-minded Asia-Pacific states through defense, diplomacy and development alliances.  
 
Purpose Statement and Hypothesis

The purpose of the essay is to examine the key differences between Japan and China’s grand strategies, especially the values that guide their strategies and national interests, and the capabilities, resources and alliances required to execute the strategies, challenges for implementation, likelihood of success, and the implications for long-term peace and stability that depend on which strategy ultimately prevails.  The study aims to fill a gap in the literature that fails to fully analyze and compare the competing universal values espoused by each grand strategy and how these values could shape the emerging balance of power in the Asia-Pacific.

The central hypothesis is that in order to avoid Chinese domination of its regional sphere of influence, Japan must modify its strategy of accommodation and engagement to one of “peaceful deterrence” based upon an enhanced security posture that is values-based, multilateral in nature and regionally structured as a concert of democracies.  ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">408</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>NATO’s Role and Relevance in Post-Conflict Reconstruction And Challenges in Implementing the Comprehensive Approach</title>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 Feb 2013 14:04:31 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=352</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) purpose has evolved from one “resolved to unite their [members’] efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security” (NATO “Treaty”), to one of collective security responding to “out of area” conflicts, the organization has become far more than a military alliance. These conflicts have provided NATO the opportunity to engage in both military and non-military aspects of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) in robust peacebuilding operations aimed not only at stabilizing the security situation, but rebuilding the “socioeconomic framework of society … [to include] the framework of governance and rule of law” (Hamre &#038; Sullivan 89).
 
NATO’s ‘comprehensive approach’ to link up military and civilian resources has encountered numerous practical and political challenges, not the least of which has been a lack of adequate resources and uneven burden-sharing amongst its members. “Stated another way, NATO is an alliance … caught up in a myriad of contentious and costly operations that prevent it from appropriately posturing for the 21st century security environment” (Warren 8). 

This paper will explore NATO’s challenges in coordinating the military and civilian aspects of PCR and answer the following questions: Is NATO effective at executing complex civil-military interventions, and secondly, has the alliance found its relevance and purpose?

{The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces}]]></description>
		
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		<title>Do NGOs have a Place in Conflict Resolution?  Are They Really Neutral? Are Military PRTs the Answer?</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/do-ngos-have-a-place-in-conflict-resolution-what-about-neutrality-are-military-prts-the-answer/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:42:15 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Aghanistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CARE]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil-Military Operations Centers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CMOC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[code of conduct]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict mediation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict prevention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cornish]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[do no harm]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[early warning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[failed states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haliburton]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[humanitarian assistance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Humanitarian Information Centers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IDPs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[InterAction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iraq]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[iviolability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[negotiation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[neutrality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NGOs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peace]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political legitimacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[private military firms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Provincial Reconstruction Teams]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[PRTs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reconstruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Red Cross Code of Conduct]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regimes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[relief]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[shaming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sudan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[survival]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trust building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[war]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=309</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[NGOs are essential to conflict resolution in as much as they possess the necessary skills, knowledge, personnel and experience to help resolve the conflict and the context is favorable to their participation. Certainly, the traditional role of the NGO has changed in nature from one of purely humanitarian relief to one that includes the roles of civil society builder and peace broker. This role transformation challenges the NGO’s assertion of neutrality and inviolability. Pamela Aall lists certain conditions that must exist prior to NGO conflict resolution intervention, saying NGOs must have:

The posts, views and opinions expressed on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">309</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>Dominant Issues in Free Trade and the International Economic System</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/dominant-issues-in-free-trade-and-the-international-economic-system-2/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 14:16:15 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[agricultural subsidies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[barriers to trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bilateral trade agreements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dana Rodrik]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[developed countries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[developing countries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Doha Round]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[interdependence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Monetary Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multilateral trade agreements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[North American Free Trade Agreement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[protectionism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trade liberalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[world economy]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=196</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Jeff Dwiggins:    Kapok Tree Diplomacy. All rights reserved. March 2010. Dominant Issues in Free Trade and the International Economic System &#8211;  FREE CONTENT This study will analyze some of the]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">196</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>The Genuine Nature of Chinese Intentions in Sub-Saharan  Africa – Peaceful Coexistence or New World Order?</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/the-genuine-nature-of-chinese-intentions-in-sub-saharan-africa-peaceful-coexistence-or-new-world-order/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 02 Feb 2013 23:28:57 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Beijing Consensus]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China-Africa Partnership]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[contradictions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diplomacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[export strategy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Forum on China-Africa Cooperation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hu Jintao]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[human rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international order]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mercantilism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multipolar]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national economic rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national interests]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[new world order]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[non-interference]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peaceful coexistence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resources for infrastructure]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[soft power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sphere of influence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state capitalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[State Owned Enterprises]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sub-Saharan Africa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Washington Consensus]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[win-win]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=100</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[This research paper will explore Chinese intentions in sub-Saharan Africa.  It will analyze the following topics in context to China’s involvement with Africa: the ideological foundation of the Beijing Consensus; China’s trade and mercantilist development policies; the military and national security aspects of China’s activities; its strategic use of soft power and diplomacy; China’s push for a reconfigured, multipolar world order, and the implications of this order and policies for Western nations, especially the United States.

By carefully substituting national economic rights for individual human rights and non-interference over ethics and transparency, China imposes its own brand of neomercantilism and no-strings-attached foreign aid, making sure it obtains substantially more relative gains than Africa despite its constant ‘win-win’ rhetoric and assertions of equal partnership.  The main thesis of this paper is that while China simultaneously and deftly pursues an aggressive geoeconomic and geopolitical strategy that seeks to counter Western global influence by cultivating an attractive, scalable model of strategic partnership in sub-Saharan Africa based on Eastern values of peaceful coexistence and non-interference, the inherent contradictions and values within this strategy actually undermine democracy, human rights, governmental stability, state sovereignty and long-term economic viability in Africa.

The thread of China’s geoeconomic goals of securing important supplies of natural resources to feed its growing economy and enhance its global economic sphere of influence and its geopolitical goals of strengthening its leverage, interests and security within the international order will be explored throughout the paper. The first section will trace the roots of the China-Africa partnership through modern times. The second section will cover the components of China’s complex strategy: state capitalism, a mercantilist export strategy, the Beijing Consensus and foreign policy, soft power, security implications and China’s expressed desire for a new world order. The third section will cover inherent contradictions within China’s strategy as well as African resistance to it. This paper will conclude with the assertion that genuine Chinese intentions are not completely benign, but instead primarily serve national interests and mask realist aspirations for greater power and leadership on a dramatically redefined world stage.

* The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper and on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense, the Department of the Navy or the Armed Forces. *]]></description>
		
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