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	<title>diplomatic stalemate &#8211; Kapok Tree Diplomacy</title>
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		<title>Civil War and Crisis in Côte d’Ivoire –  An Analysis of the Steps Taken by the International Community to Prevent, Manage and Resolve the Conflict</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 00:03:43 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[amnesty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arbitration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arms embargo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[buffer zone]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Burkina Faso]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ceasefire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Compaoré]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict resolution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[DD&R]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[demobilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diamonds]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diplomatic stalemate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disarm]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECOWAS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FN Zone Commanders]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Forces Nouvelles]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Laurent Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national ID cards]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OPA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[post-conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[power sharing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prime Minister Guillaume Soro]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rebels]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reunification]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[The Ouagadougou Political Accord]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN peacekeepers]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[warlords]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[zone of confidence]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=281</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Background. Having traced the sources and causes of the conflict, this paper will analyze the steps taken by members of the international community to resolve, contain or prevent the conflict. The situation in Côte d’Ivoire has evolved significantly since the conflict broke out in September 2002. War fatigue has set in, and the conflict is now less about north versus south and more about who will ultimately control the means of power, security and wealth accumulation after the October 2010 elections. The historic March 2007 Ouagadougou Political Accord (OPA) wrested control of the peace process from the international community and put it squarely into the hands of Ivoirian President Laurent Gbagbo and Ivoirian Prime Minister Guillaume Soro, the former Forces Nouvelles (FN) rebel leader (Ayangafac, “Peace” 27).

Why did so many previously negotiated agreements with international support not get implemented? What is different about the OPA? What will each party gain or lose from reunification? This paper will examine the answers to these questions through the lens and actions of each key participant in various stages of the conflict to include: France, the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), World Bank, Burkina Faso, Gbagbo, Soro, and other political parties and FN zone commanders.

This paper will explore the idea that as the political, economic and military status has gradually shifted on the ground, each actor has deftly altered their strategies accordingly, especially Gbagbo. The result of these collective actions was a ‘peaceful’ diplomatic stalemate and deterrence to reunification. The case will be made that although the OPA has positive potential, it mainly preserves Gbagbo and Soro’s political security without guaranteeing reunification and the prevention of future violence. 

The posts, views and opinions expressed on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.]]></description>
		
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