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	<title>Foreign Direct Investment &#8211; Kapok Tree Diplomacy</title>
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	<description>Exploring the conduct of international relations and the ideals of democracy &#38; individual liberty in the context of the Christian worldview.</description>
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		<title>Ecuador and China: BFFs and Champions of the 21st Century Socialist Agenda</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/ecuador-and-china-bffs-and-champions-of-the-21st-century-socialist-agenda/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 26 Feb 2013 02:43:23 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=498</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Ecuador is a beautiful country with a rich and diverse culture, geography and history. My wife is from Ecuador, and I can’t say enough about the friendliness and generosity of her family and many others that I’ve met from Ecuador.  My hope is to someday visit the country, God willing, and take in all the sights, sounds, smells and experiences that up until now, I have only experienced through the anecdotal, photographic and video evidence. 

However, I feel that my timetable and window for visiting the country is rapidly closing. If things continue in their current economic and political direction under President Correa, there may not be any socio-political stability left, not to mention the inevitable deterioration of the economy that always accompanies centrally-managed socialist states. See Cuba and Russia for good examples.  Moreover, I may have to learn Chinese in addition to Spanish to get around the country. So what exactly is going on in Ecuador? Didn’t Rafael Correa make everything better?

President Correa’s Vision

Leftist President Rafael Correa of Ecuador easily won a second term as president of Ecuador on February 16th with 56% of the vote compared to the 23% of his closest competitor, Guillermo Lasso, a banker from Guayaquil.[1]  Now President Correa will be able to continue his radical socialist agenda for another four years in Ecuador, especially if his party strengthens their hold on the Assembly. Not everyone in Ecuador is happy about that.

“There is a lot of apprehension that if he wins the Assembly, there will be a greater concentration of power,” said José Hernández, an editor of Hoy, a Quito daily newspaper. “He will try to flatten everyone who is in his way. He will try to dominate more because that’s his personality, and that’s what he wants to do.”[2] So just who is Rafael Correa?]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">498</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Engaging the Dragon Through Peaceful Deterrence: Japan’s Need to Recalibrate Its Strategy of Accommodation with China</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 Feb 2013 17:03:11 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=408</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For the past ten years China has gradually asserted itself in the South China Sea as it has re-risen to major power status within the tenets of the Beijing Consensus and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.   Meanwhile, Japan waited until 2006 to launch its “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” grand strategy for counterbalancing China and reasserting itself in the Asia Pacific.  There are profound differences between the two strategies in terms of the values they espouse as well as their ends, ways, means for achieving the national interests. 

Japan’s strategy towards China has been primarily one of accommodation and engagement, but China has taken advantage of Japan’s polite acquiescence to their power trajectory.  Territorial disputes over the Spratlys, Paracels and now the Senkakus, combined with China’s threats of economic coercion, threaten regional stability as Japan reaches out to like-minded Asia-Pacific states through defense, diplomacy and development alliances.  
 
Purpose Statement and Hypothesis

The purpose of the essay is to examine the key differences between Japan and China’s grand strategies, especially the values that guide their strategies and national interests, and the capabilities, resources and alliances required to execute the strategies, challenges for implementation, likelihood of success, and the implications for long-term peace and stability that depend on which strategy ultimately prevails.  The study aims to fill a gap in the literature that fails to fully analyze and compare the competing universal values espoused by each grand strategy and how these values could shape the emerging balance of power in the Asia-Pacific.

The central hypothesis is that in order to avoid Chinese domination of its regional sphere of influence, Japan must modify its strategy of accommodation and engagement to one of “peaceful deterrence” based upon an enhanced security posture that is values-based, multilateral in nature and regionally structured as a concert of democracies.  ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">408</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Global Integration as Seen Through the Ideological Lenses of the International Political Economy</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/global-integration-as-seen-through-the-lenses-of-the-ideologies-of-the-international-political-economy/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:43:38 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=189</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The era of globalization has brought us unprecedented levels of economic liberalization, political upheaval, technological advances, prosperity in unlikely places and enormous flows of capital, ideas, goods and services throughout the world.  Critics point out that global integration has also created unique systemic instabilities, regional and country-based financial crises, wealth disparities, real wage stagnation, sovereignty issues and unhealthy financialization of capitalism. Not many would argue that we currently find ourselves in a significant economic downturn. What does this crisis mean for the future? This paper will explore some explanations and solutions based upon an analysis of International Political Economy (IPE) ideologies.  

Realism, Liberalism and Marxism provide us with theoretical tools to systematically sort through the phenomenon of globalization in a comparative, detailed and open-minded way that is fully aware of the underlying assumptions, values and presuppositions that govern each theory’s interpretation of what happened, where we are, and where we are going.  Robert Gilpin asserts that they are, in fact, more than theories and actually represent ideologies which “entail a total belief system concerning the nature of human beings and society” (419). They represent distinct views and core assumptions involving the main actors and their goals, the importance of politics, the ideal goals of economic activity, the nature of economic relations and the best policies for states to pursue (Gilpin 419-420). 

Using three levels of analysis, this paper will assert that although Realism, Liberalism and Marxism differ significantly in their conception of IPE and assessment of global integration, it is primarily liberal economic principles operating within a realist framework that provide the most efficient mechanism for solving complex, global financial problems and generating extraordinary opportunity, innovation and socio-economic freedom for future generations. 

The first level of analysis will examine the different conceptions of (IPE) within each ideology, delineating similarities as well as significant differences. The second level will assess the phenomenon of global integration against the backdrop of each ideology’s important beliefs and policy implications. The third level of analysis consists of an assessment of the merits and dangers of “hegemonic stability” in international trade in context to the three IPE ideologies. The paper will conclude with some final thoughts on preventing future financial crises. 

* The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. *]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">189</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>How Some Aspects of the International Economic System Impede and Some Enable Global Integration</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/how-some-aspects-of-the-international-economic-system-impede-and-some-enable-global-integration/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:08:25 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=182</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[There are many faces of global integration, both positive and negative, and almost as many definitions. Yet, in order to assess how aspects of the international system impede or enable it, we must define it. I characterize global integration as a social, economic, cultural and political “process of increasing interconnectedness” (Smith, Baylis, &#038; Owens 17) expressed  historically and empowered conceptually by a “dense network of international flows of goods, services, capital, information, ideas and people” (Spero &#038; Hart 453).  Regimes, institutions, states, regions and transnational issues have specific effects upon the international economic system. 

The purpose of this paper will be to detail the positive and negative effects of these important system variables. In doing so, I will make the case that global integration is increasing, irreversible in nature, and leading to a higher level of instability requiring enhanced international cooperation best expressed in an increased advisory role for international regimes and institutions as opposed to an increased authoritative and governance role.
 
The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.]]></description>
		
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