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	<title>IMF &#8211; Kapok Tree Diplomacy</title>
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	<description>Exploring the conduct of international relations and the ideals of democracy &#38; individual liberty in the context of the Christian worldview.</description>
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		<title>Ecuador and China: BFFs and Champions of the 21st Century Socialist Agenda</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/ecuador-and-china-bffs-and-champions-of-the-21st-century-socialist-agenda/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/ecuador-and-china-bffs-and-champions-of-the-21st-century-socialist-agenda/#comments</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 26 Feb 2013 02:43:23 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=498</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Ecuador is a beautiful country with a rich and diverse culture, geography and history. My wife is from Ecuador, and I can’t say enough about the friendliness and generosity of her family and many others that I’ve met from Ecuador.  My hope is to someday visit the country, God willing, and take in all the sights, sounds, smells and experiences that up until now, I have only experienced through the anecdotal, photographic and video evidence. 

However, I feel that my timetable and window for visiting the country is rapidly closing. If things continue in their current economic and political direction under President Correa, there may not be any socio-political stability left, not to mention the inevitable deterioration of the economy that always accompanies centrally-managed socialist states. See Cuba and Russia for good examples.  Moreover, I may have to learn Chinese in addition to Spanish to get around the country. So what exactly is going on in Ecuador? Didn’t Rafael Correa make everything better?

President Correa’s Vision

Leftist President Rafael Correa of Ecuador easily won a second term as president of Ecuador on February 16th with 56% of the vote compared to the 23% of his closest competitor, Guillermo Lasso, a banker from Guayaquil.[1]  Now President Correa will be able to continue his radical socialist agenda for another four years in Ecuador, especially if his party strengthens their hold on the Assembly. Not everyone in Ecuador is happy about that.

“There is a lot of apprehension that if he wins the Assembly, there will be a greater concentration of power,” said José Hernández, an editor of Hoy, a Quito daily newspaper. “He will try to flatten everyone who is in his way. He will try to dominate more because that’s his personality, and that’s what he wants to do.”[2] So just who is Rafael Correa?]]></description>
		
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			<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">498</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Engaging the Dragon Through Peaceful Deterrence: Japan’s Need to Recalibrate Its Strategy of Accommodation with China</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 Feb 2013 17:03:11 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=408</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For the past ten years China has gradually asserted itself in the South China Sea as it has re-risen to major power status within the tenets of the Beijing Consensus and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.   Meanwhile, Japan waited until 2006 to launch its “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” grand strategy for counterbalancing China and reasserting itself in the Asia Pacific.  There are profound differences between the two strategies in terms of the values they espouse as well as their ends, ways, means for achieving the national interests. 

Japan’s strategy towards China has been primarily one of accommodation and engagement, but China has taken advantage of Japan’s polite acquiescence to their power trajectory.  Territorial disputes over the Spratlys, Paracels and now the Senkakus, combined with China’s threats of economic coercion, threaten regional stability as Japan reaches out to like-minded Asia-Pacific states through defense, diplomacy and development alliances.  
 
Purpose Statement and Hypothesis

The purpose of the essay is to examine the key differences between Japan and China’s grand strategies, especially the values that guide their strategies and national interests, and the capabilities, resources and alliances required to execute the strategies, challenges for implementation, likelihood of success, and the implications for long-term peace and stability that depend on which strategy ultimately prevails.  The study aims to fill a gap in the literature that fails to fully analyze and compare the competing universal values espoused by each grand strategy and how these values could shape the emerging balance of power in the Asia-Pacific.

The central hypothesis is that in order to avoid Chinese domination of its regional sphere of influence, Japan must modify its strategy of accommodation and engagement to one of “peaceful deterrence” based upon an enhanced security posture that is values-based, multilateral in nature and regionally structured as a concert of democracies.  ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">408</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>NATO’s Role and Relevance in Post-Conflict Reconstruction And Challenges in Implementing the Comprehensive Approach</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/natos-role-and-relevance-in-post-conflict-reconstruction-and-challenges-in-implementing-the-comprehensive-approach/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 Feb 2013 14:04:31 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=352</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) purpose has evolved from one “resolved to unite their [members’] efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security” (NATO “Treaty”), to one of collective security responding to “out of area” conflicts, the organization has become far more than a military alliance. These conflicts have provided NATO the opportunity to engage in both military and non-military aspects of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) in robust peacebuilding operations aimed not only at stabilizing the security situation, but rebuilding the “socioeconomic framework of society … [to include] the framework of governance and rule of law” (Hamre &#038; Sullivan 89).
 
NATO’s ‘comprehensive approach’ to link up military and civilian resources has encountered numerous practical and political challenges, not the least of which has been a lack of adequate resources and uneven burden-sharing amongst its members. “Stated another way, NATO is an alliance … caught up in a myriad of contentious and costly operations that prevent it from appropriately posturing for the 21st century security environment” (Warren 8). 

This paper will explore NATO’s challenges in coordinating the military and civilian aspects of PCR and answer the following questions: Is NATO effective at executing complex civil-military interventions, and secondly, has the alliance found its relevance and purpose?

{The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces}]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">352</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>To what extent is the cultivation of economic growth under Western ‘free market’ principles even possible in the developing world?</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/to-what-extent-is-the-cultivation-of-economic-growth-under-western-free-market-auspices-feasible-in-the-developing-world/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 17 Feb 2013 22:35:58 +0000</pubDate>
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		<category><![CDATA[meltdown]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multilateral institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nondiscrimination]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peace]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[poverty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rational choice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reciprocity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[religion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rule of law]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Russia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[shared values]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Somalia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[stabilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state capitalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state sovereignty]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=334</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Assuming that the ‘developing world’ includes the entire developing world, not just states undergoing post-conflict reconstruction (PCR), I think we must first define what Western ‘free market’ auspices are, and how might they be cultivated under Western/liberal principles.

Gilpin asserts that “Liberalism may, in fact, be defined as a doctrine and set of principles for organizing and managing a market economy in order to achieve maximum efficiency, economic growth and individual welfare” that is committed to “free markets and minimal state intervention,” “individual equality and liberty,” and the “premise … that the individual consumer, firm, or household is the basis for society” (421-422). Does this type of economy promote the stability a developing state needs?

Liberalism has its own set of empirical economic laws geared towards stability to include: comparative advantage, marginal utility, a quantity theory of money and rational choice that lead a market economy towards a “powerful tendency towards equilibrium and inherent stability” (Gilpin 422-423). ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">334</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Challenges Facing Outside Actors in Balancing Punitive and Reconciliatory Measures in Nation/State-Building and the Optimum Division of Labor to Overcome Them</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/challenges-facing-outside-actors-in-balancing-punitive-and-reconciliatory-measures-in-nationstate-building-and-the-optimum-division-of-labor-to-overcome-them/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/challenges-facing-outside-actors-in-balancing-punitive-and-reconciliatory-measures-in-nationstate-building-and-the-optimum-division-of-labor-to-overcome-them/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 17 Feb 2013 21:43:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Post Conflict Reconstruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[acquis communautaire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghanistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[amnesty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[black market]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bosnia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bosnian War Crimes Chamber]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[brain drain]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[building capacity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[capacity building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ceasefires]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil society development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civilians]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cold war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[common national identity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[confidence-building measures]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[core pillars of societal reform]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[corruption]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dayton Agreement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[DD&R]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[demobilizing combatants]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[development projects]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disarmament]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disarming]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[division of labor]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic sanctions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ethnic instability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU accession]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EULEX]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[failed states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[fragile states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haiti]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[IDPs]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[impartiality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impunity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[infrastructure]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[internally displaced persons]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[international law]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IOs]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Kosovo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[legitimacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[loans and grants]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mandate of neutrality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mediation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military coup]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[militias]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[minimum use of force]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[MNFs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[MONUSCO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multinational forces]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nation building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nation/state-building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NATO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[negotiation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NGOs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[non-governmental organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OECD]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Office of the High Representative]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organized crime]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peace]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peacekeeping]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[political institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political will]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[post conflict reconstruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[power-sharing agreement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[punitive]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reconciliation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reconciliatory measures]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regional alliances]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regional organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reparations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resettlement of refugees]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[rules of engagement]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[social institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[socioeconomic framework]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Somalia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sovereignty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Timor-Leste]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[tribunals partial amnesties]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[victor’s justice]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[war criminals]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=327</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[External actors such as international organizations (IOs), regional alliances (RAs), individual states, multinational forces (MNFs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have increasingly intervened in fragile and failed states in postconflict scenarios following the end of the Cold War. The nation/state-building processes (NSB) implemented by these actors to rebuild the “socioeconomic framework of society … [to include] the framework of governance and rule of law” (Hamre &#038; Sullivan 89) attempt to strike a reasonable balance between punitive and reconciliatory measures in their efforts to rehabilitate security, political, economic and social institutions as well as establish a sense of common identity among citizens (Bercovitch &#038; Jackson 175). 

This essay will analyze NSB processes around the core pillars of societal reform necessary to prevent a return to violence in context to the following points of emphasis:

(1)	 What types of challenges do the above-listed outside actors face in striking the balance between punitive and reconciliatory measures in NSB processes?

(2)	What division of labor among IOs, RAs, states and NGOs is likely to prove most effective in meeting such challenges in the future and why? 

The posts, views and opinions expressed on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">327</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Using Economic and Military Tools in Conflict Prevention</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/using-economic-and-military-tools-in-conflict-prevention/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 15 Feb 2013 14:26:12 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance-of-payments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[black market]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict prevention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic sanctions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[exchange rates]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[export diversity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foreign investmet]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[growth without development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[inflation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[infrastructure]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kimberly Process]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[macroeconomic stability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[market institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[natural resource governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peacekeeping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sierra Leone]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[structural adjustments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tools of conflict prevention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[uneven development]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=302</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[There’s a number of economic tools that may be effective in preventing conflict. Most seem to fall under good governance. The first one that comes to my mind is export diversity. If you depend on one item for 44% of your exports and that one item is a commodity as it is with Sierra Leone’s diamonds, your economy is extremely vulnerable to global price fluctuations in that commodity. A downward dip in prices can have a devastating effect when all your eggs are in one basket. If people have to be laid off or you have to cut their wages, then social dissent can escalate as a result.]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">302</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Civil War and Crisis in Côte d’Ivoire –  An Analysis of the Sources and Causes</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-sources-and-causes/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 13 Feb 2013 02:41:32 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Accra Accords]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Blaise Compaoré]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Burkina Faso]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Charles Taylor]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[citizenship]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Concept of Ivoirité]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[corruption]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[destabilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diamonds]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic discrimination]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ethnicity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Félix Houphouët-Boigny]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foreign workers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[General Robert Gueï]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[growth without development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Henri Bédié]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[immigrants]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[immigration policy]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Ivorian Miracle]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ivory Coast]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[land]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[land tenure]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Laurent Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Linas Marcoussis Peace Accords]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mercenaries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Multi-Party Democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[natural resource governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ni indifference]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ni ingérence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OPA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ouagadougou Peace Accord]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peace accords]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political discrimination]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political pluralism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[politicization of ethnicity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sierra Leone]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[small arms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[structural adjustments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[uneven development]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=258</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For over twenty years following its independence from France in 1960, Côte d’Ivoire was a rare example of remarkable economic growth and political and social stability in contrast to its poor and often violent and divisive neighbors in the region of West Africa. A complex mix of political, economic and social factors led to a successful military coup d’état in December 1999 and a civil war in November-December 2002 that brought the “Ivorian Miracle” crashing down.
 
This was followed by several years of “neither peace nor war” where corruption and discrimination were rampant, several peace accords failed, and numerous political groups jockeyed for power. A breakthrough occurred in March 2007 with the signing of the Ouagadougou Peace Accord (OPA) which is still not fully implemented to this day. This analysis will attempt to primarily answer why the coup and civil war happened, and secondarily, why it took so long to achieve the OPA. 
  
This paper will examine the underlying sources and causes of the coup d’état, the civil war and the protracted stalemate which followed. To understand not only how the conflict emerged but how it was perpetuated for so long, my paper will explore several political, economic, social and regional factors that do not appear to be mutually exclusive. Côte d’Ivoire is a genuine multi-layered conflict weaving together diverse issues like ethnicity, citizenship, land, immigration policy, natural resource governance and economic and political discrimination. As we peel back the onion on these interconnected issues, the roots of this conflict will emerge, and we’ll be able to discern exactly how the Ivoirian Miracle became the Ivoirian Nightmare.
 
The posts, views and opinions expressed on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">258</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Dominant Issues in Free Trade and the International Economic System</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/dominant-issues-in-free-trade-and-the-international-economic-system-2/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 14:16:15 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[agricultural subsidies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[barriers to trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bilateral trade agreements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dana Rodrik]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[developed countries]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[interdependence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Monetary Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multilateral trade agreements]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[protectionism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trade liberalization]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=196</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Jeff Dwiggins:    Kapok Tree Diplomacy. All rights reserved. March 2010. Dominant Issues in Free Trade and the International Economic System &#8211;  FREE CONTENT This study will analyze some of the]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">196</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Global Integration as Seen Through the Ideological Lenses of the International Political Economy</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/global-integration-as-seen-through-the-lenses-of-the-ideologies-of-the-international-political-economy/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:43:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[balance of power]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[concentration of capital]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[currency stability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disproportionality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[falling rate of return]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Direct Investment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global financial markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Grieco]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[harmony of interests]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hegemonic Stability Theory]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[institutions]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Lenin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[liberals]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[multinational corporations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[norms]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[realists]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rules]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[security maximizers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[self-help]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Susan Strang]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=189</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The era of globalization has brought us unprecedented levels of economic liberalization, political upheaval, technological advances, prosperity in unlikely places and enormous flows of capital, ideas, goods and services throughout the world.  Critics point out that global integration has also created unique systemic instabilities, regional and country-based financial crises, wealth disparities, real wage stagnation, sovereignty issues and unhealthy financialization of capitalism. Not many would argue that we currently find ourselves in a significant economic downturn. What does this crisis mean for the future? This paper will explore some explanations and solutions based upon an analysis of International Political Economy (IPE) ideologies.  

Realism, Liberalism and Marxism provide us with theoretical tools to systematically sort through the phenomenon of globalization in a comparative, detailed and open-minded way that is fully aware of the underlying assumptions, values and presuppositions that govern each theory’s interpretation of what happened, where we are, and where we are going.  Robert Gilpin asserts that they are, in fact, more than theories and actually represent ideologies which “entail a total belief system concerning the nature of human beings and society” (419). They represent distinct views and core assumptions involving the main actors and their goals, the importance of politics, the ideal goals of economic activity, the nature of economic relations and the best policies for states to pursue (Gilpin 419-420). 

Using three levels of analysis, this paper will assert that although Realism, Liberalism and Marxism differ significantly in their conception of IPE and assessment of global integration, it is primarily liberal economic principles operating within a realist framework that provide the most efficient mechanism for solving complex, global financial problems and generating extraordinary opportunity, innovation and socio-economic freedom for future generations. 

The first level of analysis will examine the different conceptions of (IPE) within each ideology, delineating similarities as well as significant differences. The second level will assess the phenomenon of global integration against the backdrop of each ideology’s important beliefs and policy implications. The third level of analysis consists of an assessment of the merits and dangers of “hegemonic stability” in international trade in context to the three IPE ideologies. The paper will conclude with some final thoughts on preventing future financial crises. 

* The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. *]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">189</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>How Some Aspects of the International Economic System Impede and Some Enable Global Integration</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/how-some-aspects-of-the-international-economic-system-impede-and-some-enable-global-integration/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:08:25 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bilateral trade agreements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[capital]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Doha Round]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FDI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Direct Investment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[illegal trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international cooperation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international institutions]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[There are many faces of global integration, both positive and negative, and almost as many definitions. Yet, in order to assess how aspects of the international system impede or enable it, we must define it. I characterize global integration as a social, economic, cultural and political “process of increasing interconnectedness” (Smith, Baylis, &#038; Owens 17) expressed  historically and empowered conceptually by a “dense network of international flows of goods, services, capital, information, ideas and people” (Spero &#038; Hart 453).  Regimes, institutions, states, regions and transnational issues have specific effects upon the international economic system. 

The purpose of this paper will be to detail the positive and negative effects of these important system variables. In doing so, I will make the case that global integration is increasing, irreversible in nature, and leading to a higher level of instability requiring enhanced international cooperation best expressed in an increased advisory role for international regimes and institutions as opposed to an increased authoritative and governance role.
 
The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.]]></description>
		
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