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	<title>UDHR &#8211; Kapok Tree Diplomacy</title>
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		<title>Blind Man’s Bluff: Kazakhstan’s Mirage of Compliance with International Obligations to Uphold the Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Assembly and Association</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/blind-mans-bluff-kazakhstans-mirage-of-compliance-with-international-obligations-to-uphold-the-freedom-of-expression-and-freedom-of-assembly-and-association/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 20 Feb 2013 21:00:55 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=396</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Leveraging billions of dollars of oil, gas and mineral reserves while avoiding major inter-ethnic conflict, Kazakhstan has become the most powerful and prosperous of all Central Asian states under the savvy and astute leadership of President Nursultan Nazarbayev and the first to chair the prestigious 56-member Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010 (Dave, 250). Despite Kazakhstan’s impressive political and economic trajectory, the state has failed to consistently recognize and secure many important civil and political rights for its citizens that are enshrined in international human rights treaties.  

The rights to the freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association may be considered cornerstones of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the OSCE Copenhagen Document, and the OSCE Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly which help to guarantee and safeguard democracy, common societal interests, and the rule of law (Kz-OSCE 4). The two rights are complementary with a violation of one often violating the other. This essay seeks to answer the following question: To what extent do Kazakhstan’s excessive restrictions on the freedom of expression and freedom of assembly and association fail to meet its obligations undertaken in accordance with the ICCPR, the OSCE Copenhagen Document, and OSCE Guidelines on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly? This essay will limit its coverage to the 2007 – 2011 timeframe. ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">396</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Why the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Doctrine Is Incompatible with the Principles of National Sovereignty and Domestic Jurisdiction Found in International Law</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/why-the-responsibility-to-protect-r2p-doctrine-is-incompatible-with-the-principles-of-national-sovereignty-and-domestic-jurisdiction-found-in-international-law/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 20 Feb 2013 00:23:32 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=390</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[In the aftermath of unresponsive and slow reactions by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to serious humanitarian catastrophes in Kosovo, Bosnia, Rwanda and Somalia, the British Foreign Office and a Canadian independent commission submitted proposals to UN Secretary General (UNSG) Kofi Annan, in 1999 and 2001 respectively, arguing for a limited right of military and humanitarian intervention under certain conditions to protect civilians from mass atrocities (Byers 104). Over the past ten years, an emerging norm and set of principles known as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has surfaced based upon the idea that “sovereignty is not a prerogative but a responsibility” (Axworthy qtd. in Byers 106).
   
But is R2P intervention legal? Does it violate national sovereignty and domestic jurisdiction? Does it lead to selective authorizations for intervention by the UNSC? Could it lead to inappropriate and unnecessary humanitarian interventions that do more harm than good? This research paper seeks to answer the above questions in the affirmative and establish the principle that R2P is illegal based on the basic principles of national sovereignty and domestic jurisdiction found in international law. ]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">390</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>International Law’s Expansion into Individual Affairs: A Tug of  War over Tradition, Jurisdiction and Universal Human Rights</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/international-laws-expansion-into-individual-affairs-a-tug-of-war-over-tradition-jurisdiction-and-universal-human-rights/</link>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 18:13:03 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=214</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Introduction &#8211; (C) Kapok Tree Diplomacy, July 2010, All rights reserved. Jeff Dwiggins, author. FREE CONTENT As international law extends beyond traditional state-to-state interactions into matters directly involving the rights]]></description>
		
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">214</post-id>	</item>
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