<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><rss version="2.0"
	xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/"
	xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/"
	xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/"
	xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"
	xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/"
	xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/"
	
	xmlns:georss="http://www.georss.org/georss"
	xmlns:geo="http://www.w3.org/2003/01/geo/wgs84_pos#"
	>

<channel>
	<title>World Bank &#8211; Kapok Tree Diplomacy</title>
	<atom:link href="https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/tag/world-bank/feed/" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml" />
	<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress</link>
	<description>Exploring the conduct of international relations and the ideals of democracy &#38; individual liberty in the context of the Christian worldview.</description>
	<lastBuildDate>Thu, 20 Dec 2018 18:14:07 +0000</lastBuildDate>
	<language>en-US</language>
	<sy:updatePeriod>
	hourly	</sy:updatePeriod>
	<sy:updateFrequency>
	1	</sy:updateFrequency>
	<generator>https://wordpress.org/?v=6.4.3</generator>
<site xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">44605809</site>	<item>
		<title>Ecuador and China: BFFs and Champions of the 21st Century Socialist Agenda</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/ecuador-and-china-bffs-and-champions-of-the-21st-century-socialist-agenda/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/ecuador-and-china-bffs-and-champions-of-the-21st-century-socialist-agenda/#comments</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 26 Feb 2013 02:43:23 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Christian Perspective]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Global Security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IR Theories]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[21st Century Socialism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[banana exports]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bankers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bonds]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cash for oil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[centrally managed]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China Development Bank]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Christ]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Christianity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Communism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cuba]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[default]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ecuador]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[El Universo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[elections]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[energy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[entrepreneurship]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FDI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fidel Castro]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Direct Investment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free medicine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global investors]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[government spending]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gran Hermano]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guillermo Lasso]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[healthcare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[helping the poor]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hugo Chavez]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[indigenous]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Monetary Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iran]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[leftist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Marxism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[media freedom]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[natural resources]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[needy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[oil exports]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pacifico Oil Refinery]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[poverty rate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Rafael Correa]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[socialism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sovereign debt]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state welfare]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sustainability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tax increases]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[taxation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[underemployment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[unemployment rate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Venezuela]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[wealth redistribution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=498</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Ecuador is a beautiful country with a rich and diverse culture, geography and history. My wife is from Ecuador, and I can’t say enough about the friendliness and generosity of her family and many others that I’ve met from Ecuador.  My hope is to someday visit the country, God willing, and take in all the sights, sounds, smells and experiences that up until now, I have only experienced through the anecdotal, photographic and video evidence. 

However, I feel that my timetable and window for visiting the country is rapidly closing. If things continue in their current economic and political direction under President Correa, there may not be any socio-political stability left, not to mention the inevitable deterioration of the economy that always accompanies centrally-managed socialist states. See Cuba and Russia for good examples.  Moreover, I may have to learn Chinese in addition to Spanish to get around the country. So what exactly is going on in Ecuador? Didn’t Rafael Correa make everything better?

President Correa’s Vision

Leftist President Rafael Correa of Ecuador easily won a second term as president of Ecuador on February 16th with 56% of the vote compared to the 23% of his closest competitor, Guillermo Lasso, a banker from Guayaquil.[1]  Now President Correa will be able to continue his radical socialist agenda for another four years in Ecuador, especially if his party strengthens their hold on the Assembly. Not everyone in Ecuador is happy about that.

“There is a lot of apprehension that if he wins the Assembly, there will be a greater concentration of power,” said José Hernández, an editor of Hoy, a Quito daily newspaper. “He will try to flatten everyone who is in his way. He will try to dominate more because that’s his personality, and that’s what he wants to do.”[2] So just who is Rafael Correa?]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/ecuador-and-china-bffs-and-champions-of-the-21st-century-socialist-agenda/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">498</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Engaging the Dragon Through Peaceful Deterrence: Japan’s Need to Recalibrate Its Strategy of Accommodation with China</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 Feb 2013 17:03:11 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Global Security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[A2/AD]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[accommodation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[active defense]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[alliances]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[anarchy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[APEC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Arc of Freedom and Prosperity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Article 9]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ASEAN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Asia-Pacific]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Australia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance of threat]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bandwagon]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Beijing Consensus]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bilateral trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bretton Woods]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Charter of the United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coast guard]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[collective self defense]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[collective struggle]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Communist Party of China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[concert of democracies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Confucian]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[core values]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[counterbalancing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[defense]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[defensive realism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diplomacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dispute]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dispute settlement mechanisms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dynamic deterrence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EAS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[East Asian Summit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic coercion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ends]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[engagement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[equality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FDI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Direct Investment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foreign policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[freedom]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[freedom of navigation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global commons]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[grand strategy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hypothesis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ICJ]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[India]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Court of Justice]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international law]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Monetary Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international system]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Japan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[maritime incident]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Maritime Self-Defense Forces]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Marxism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[means]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle East]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[MSDF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multilateral]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mutual benefit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mutual nonaggression]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mutual noninterference in internal affairs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mutual respect]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NATO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[North Korea]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ODA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[official development assistance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[one China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paracels]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peace]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peaceful coexistence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peaceful deterrence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[People’s Republic of China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Philippines]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[power trajectory]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[PRC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[provocative]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[realism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rebalance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reciprocal]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[redistribution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regional security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[right of self defense]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rising power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rule of law]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Russia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sansha]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[security dilemma]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Senkakus]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Shanghai Cooperation Council]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social contract]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[soft power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[South China Sea]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[South Korea]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sovereignty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Spratlys]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strategic alliances]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strategy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sun Tzu]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Taiwan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[territorial integrity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[threat]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Three Non-Nuclear Principles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tibet]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[U.S.-Japan Alliance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN Convention on the Law of the Sea]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UNCLOS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[universal values]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[values]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Vietnam]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Walt]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Washington Consensus]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ways]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Wen Jiabao]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Trade Organization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[WTO]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=408</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For the past ten years China has gradually asserted itself in the South China Sea as it has re-risen to major power status within the tenets of the Beijing Consensus and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.   Meanwhile, Japan waited until 2006 to launch its “Arc of Freedom and Prosperity” grand strategy for counterbalancing China and reasserting itself in the Asia Pacific.  There are profound differences between the two strategies in terms of the values they espouse as well as their ends, ways, means for achieving the national interests. 

Japan’s strategy towards China has been primarily one of accommodation and engagement, but China has taken advantage of Japan’s polite acquiescence to their power trajectory.  Territorial disputes over the Spratlys, Paracels and now the Senkakus, combined with China’s threats of economic coercion, threaten regional stability as Japan reaches out to like-minded Asia-Pacific states through defense, diplomacy and development alliances.  
 
Purpose Statement and Hypothesis

The purpose of the essay is to examine the key differences between Japan and China’s grand strategies, especially the values that guide their strategies and national interests, and the capabilities, resources and alliances required to execute the strategies, challenges for implementation, likelihood of success, and the implications for long-term peace and stability that depend on which strategy ultimately prevails.  The study aims to fill a gap in the literature that fails to fully analyze and compare the competing universal values espoused by each grand strategy and how these values could shape the emerging balance of power in the Asia-Pacific.

The central hypothesis is that in order to avoid Chinese domination of its regional sphere of influence, Japan must modify its strategy of accommodation and engagement to one of “peaceful deterrence” based upon an enhanced security posture that is values-based, multilateral in nature and regionally structured as a concert of democracies.  ]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/engaging-the-dragon-through-peaceful-deterrence-japans-need-to-recalibrate-its-strategy-of-accommodation-with-china/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">408</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>NATO’s Role and Relevance in Post-Conflict Reconstruction And Challenges in Implementing the Comprehensive Approach</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/natos-role-and-relevance-in-post-conflict-reconstruction-and-challenges-in-implementing-the-comprehensive-approach/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/natos-role-and-relevance-in-post-conflict-reconstruction-and-challenges-in-implementing-the-comprehensive-approach/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 Feb 2013 14:04:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghan National Army]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghan National Police]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghan Transitional Authority]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghanistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[al-Qaeda]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ANA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ANP]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bonn Peace Agreement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bosnia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[burden sharing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[capacity building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CERP]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil-military operations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COIN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cold war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[collective defense]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[collective security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Commander’s Emergency Response Program]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[comprehensive approach]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[containment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[core institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[corruption]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[counter-insurgency]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[counter-narcotics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[counterterrorism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dayton Accords]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[defensive alliance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[drug trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[history]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ICTY]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Monetary Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Security Assistance Force]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[intervention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IPTF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ISAF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kosovo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kosovo Force]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military allaince]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multilateral]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nation building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NATO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NATO-ISAF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NGOs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[non-Article 5 missions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[North Atlantic Treaty Organization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OEF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OHR]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Operation Enduring Freedom]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[opium]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OSCE]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pakistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[police]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[post conflict reconstruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[President Karzai]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Provincial Development Councils]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Riga Summit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Robert Gates]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rule of law]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Russia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[SFOR]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[soft power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Stabilization Force]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[state building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategic Concept]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Taliban]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tribal leaders]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[U.S. Agency of International Development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN High Commission for Refugees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN Interim Mission in Kosovo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN International Police Task Force]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UNMIK]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[USAID]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[WB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=352</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) purpose has evolved from one “resolved to unite their [members’] efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security” (NATO “Treaty”), to one of collective security responding to “out of area” conflicts, the organization has become far more than a military alliance. These conflicts have provided NATO the opportunity to engage in both military and non-military aspects of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) in robust peacebuilding operations aimed not only at stabilizing the security situation, but rebuilding the “socioeconomic framework of society … [to include] the framework of governance and rule of law” (Hamre &#038; Sullivan 89).
 
NATO’s ‘comprehensive approach’ to link up military and civilian resources has encountered numerous practical and political challenges, not the least of which has been a lack of adequate resources and uneven burden-sharing amongst its members. “Stated another way, NATO is an alliance … caught up in a myriad of contentious and costly operations that prevent it from appropriately posturing for the 21st century security environment” (Warren 8). 

This paper will explore NATO’s challenges in coordinating the military and civilian aspects of PCR and answer the following questions: Is NATO effective at executing complex civil-military interventions, and secondly, has the alliance found its relevance and purpose?

{The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces}]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/natos-role-and-relevance-in-post-conflict-reconstruction-and-challenges-in-implementing-the-comprehensive-approach/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">352</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>The Interconnectedness of Military, Political and Economic Tools in Conflict Resolution and Post-Conflict Reconstruction</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/the-interconnectedness-of-military-political-and-economic-tools-in-conflict-resolution-and-post-conflict-reconstruction/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/the-interconnectedness-of-military-political-and-economic-tools-in-conflict-resolution-and-post-conflict-reconstruction/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 17 Feb 2013 20:22:08 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Post Conflict Reconstruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[adjudication]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[and legal reform]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arbitration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[AU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance-of-payments disequilibria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bosnia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[child soldiers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil wars]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coercive diplomacy ECOWAS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[cold war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict resolution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[coordination]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[core pillars of society]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[corruption]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dayton Accords]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[demobilization and reintegration (DDR)]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disarmament]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[drug trafficking]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[elections planning]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[EU]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Failed State Index]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[failed states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[fragile states]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[governance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hamas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[human rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[human trafficking]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[humanitarian assistance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hurting stalemate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hyperinflation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[impartiality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Index of State Weakness in the Developing World]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International community]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[interstate conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[intractable conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[intrastate conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israeli-Palestinian conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[justice and reconciliation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[legal reform]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[liberalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mediation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[military tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[MONUC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multilateral]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nation building]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NATO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[negotiation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NGOs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nongovernmental organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Office of the High Representative]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[organized crime]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OSCE]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[parallel economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peace operations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[peacekeeping]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[pervasive poverty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[policy-makers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political regimes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[post-conflict reconstruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[power vacuum]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[preventive diplomacy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[privatization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[protracted conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Provincial Reconstruction Teams]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[PRTs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Red Cross]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[refugees]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regional organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regulatory reform]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[resource scarcity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[right of return]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Roadmap to a Permanent Two-State Solution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sanctions enforcement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[security]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sexual violence]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sierra Leone]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[small arms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[social and economic well-being]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Somalia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[spillover]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[stabilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[strong market institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[task sharing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[terrorism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[transitional governance assistance]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tribunals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[truth commissions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[weapons of mass destruction]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=321</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[For the last twenty years following the end of the Cold War, the nature of conflict has transitioned from mostly interstate conflicts to predominantly intrastate conflicts characterized by a “complex web of social, economic, cultural, political and religious factors” (Bercovitch &#038; Jackson 3). As the context underlying conflict has changed, the approaches to conflict resolution (CR) and post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) have adapted as well. Policy-makers have a variety of military, political and economic tools at their disposal to contend with the security, welfare and political representation issues resulting from fragile and failed states. 

This essay will analyze the policy tools available for CR and PCR and in so doing answer the following questions: 

(1)	 To what extent are the political, economic and military tools available to policymakers for use in conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction interconnected?

(2)	Has the application of such tools become considerably more challenging since the end of the Cold War? If so, how and why? If not, why not? 

Section One of the essay will provide a brief summary of how the environment of conflict has changed since the end of the Cold War. Section Two will analyze the military tools. Section Three will cover the political tools, and Section Four will address the economic tools. Section Five will include a brief summary of how these tools are interconnected, but the assertion that they are interconnected will be made in each section of the essay.  

Likewise, the question of whether the application of these tools has become considerably more challenging since the end of the Cold War may be answered in the affirmative with the how and why addressed throughout each section of the paper. Section Six will conclude the paper with a brief summary of the essay. ]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/the-interconnectedness-of-military-political-and-economic-tools-in-conflict-resolution-and-post-conflict-reconstruction/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">321</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Civil War and Crisis in Côte d’Ivoire –  An Analysis of the Steps Taken by the International Community to Prevent, Manage and Resolve the Conflict</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Feb 2013 00:03:43 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[amnesty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arbitration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[arms embargo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[buffer zone]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Burkina Faso]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ceasefire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Compaoré]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict resolution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[DD&R]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[demobilization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diamonds]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[diplomatic stalemate]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disarm]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECOWAS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FN Zone Commanders]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Forces Nouvelles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FPI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front Populaire Ivoirian]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Independent Electoral Commission]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International community]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ivory Coast]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Laurent Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[national ID cards]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OPA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[post-conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[power sharing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prime Minister Guillaume Soro]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rebels]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[reunification]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[sanctions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Ouagadougou Political Accord]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN peacekeepers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations Security Council]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UNOCI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UNSC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[warlords]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[WB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[zone of confidence]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=281</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Background. Having traced the sources and causes of the conflict, this paper will analyze the steps taken by members of the international community to resolve, contain or prevent the conflict. The situation in Côte d’Ivoire has evolved significantly since the conflict broke out in September 2002. War fatigue has set in, and the conflict is now less about north versus south and more about who will ultimately control the means of power, security and wealth accumulation after the October 2010 elections. The historic March 2007 Ouagadougou Political Accord (OPA) wrested control of the peace process from the international community and put it squarely into the hands of Ivoirian President Laurent Gbagbo and Ivoirian Prime Minister Guillaume Soro, the former Forces Nouvelles (FN) rebel leader (Ayangafac, “Peace” 27).

Why did so many previously negotiated agreements with international support not get implemented? What is different about the OPA? What will each party gain or lose from reunification? This paper will examine the answers to these questions through the lens and actions of each key participant in various stages of the conflict to include: France, the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), World Bank, Burkina Faso, Gbagbo, Soro, and other political parties and FN zone commanders.

This paper will explore the idea that as the political, economic and military status has gradually shifted on the ground, each actor has deftly altered their strategies accordingly, especially Gbagbo. The result of these collective actions was a ‘peaceful’ diplomatic stalemate and deterrence to reunification. The case will be made that although the OPA has positive potential, it mainly preserves Gbagbo and Soro’s political security without guaranteeing reunification and the prevention of future violence. 

The posts, views and opinions expressed on this site are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">281</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>PREVIEW &#8211; Civil War and Crisis in Côte d’Ivoire –  An Analysis of the Steps Taken By the International Community To Prevent, Manage and Resolve the Conflict</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict-free-preview/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict-free-preview/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 13 Feb 2013 23:46:27 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Free Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prevent/Contain Intl. Conflicts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Burkina Faso]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[civil war]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[conflict resolution]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ECOWAS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FN Zone Commanders]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Forces Nouvelles]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FPI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[France]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front Populaire Ivoirian]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Independent Electoral Commission]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International community]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ivory Coast]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Laurent Gbagbo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OPA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[power sharing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Prime Minister Guillaume Soro]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[The Ouagadougou Political Accord]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations Security Council]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UNOCI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UNSC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[WB]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=274</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Actions of the Main Actors

France.  After a failed military coup on September 19, 2002, France quickly moved 700 troops into Côte d’Ivoire under a 1961 pact obligating it to defend its former colony from any external invasion (Kohler 31). But France also had 16,000 citizens and 210 subsidiaries of French companies (Kohler 31), in addition to $3.5 billion Euros in direct investment in industries like oil, gas, banking, pharmaceuticals and telecommunications to protect (Busch 52). ]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/civil-war-and-crisis-in-cote-divoire-an-analysis-of-the-steps-taken-by-the-international-community-to-prevent-manage-and-resolve-the-conflict-free-preview/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">274</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Global Integration as Seen Through the Ideological Lenses of the International Political Economy</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/global-integration-as-seen-through-the-lenses-of-the-ideologies-of-the-international-political-economy/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/global-integration-as-seen-through-the-lenses-of-the-ideologies-of-the-international-political-economy/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:43:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance of power]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[balance-of-payments]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bourgeoisie]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[capitalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[concentration of capital]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[currency stability]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[democracy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[disproportionality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[falling rate of return]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Direct Investment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global financial markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Grieco]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[harmony of interests]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hegemonic Stability Theory]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international organizations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Lenin]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[liberals]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Marxism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[mercantilists]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[multinational corporations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[norms]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[proletariat]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[realists]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rules]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[security maximizers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[self-help]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Susan Strang]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[uneven development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[unipolarity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=189</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[The era of globalization has brought us unprecedented levels of economic liberalization, political upheaval, technological advances, prosperity in unlikely places and enormous flows of capital, ideas, goods and services throughout the world.  Critics point out that global integration has also created unique systemic instabilities, regional and country-based financial crises, wealth disparities, real wage stagnation, sovereignty issues and unhealthy financialization of capitalism. Not many would argue that we currently find ourselves in a significant economic downturn. What does this crisis mean for the future? This paper will explore some explanations and solutions based upon an analysis of International Political Economy (IPE) ideologies.  

Realism, Liberalism and Marxism provide us with theoretical tools to systematically sort through the phenomenon of globalization in a comparative, detailed and open-minded way that is fully aware of the underlying assumptions, values and presuppositions that govern each theory’s interpretation of what happened, where we are, and where we are going.  Robert Gilpin asserts that they are, in fact, more than theories and actually represent ideologies which “entail a total belief system concerning the nature of human beings and society” (419). They represent distinct views and core assumptions involving the main actors and their goals, the importance of politics, the ideal goals of economic activity, the nature of economic relations and the best policies for states to pursue (Gilpin 419-420). 

Using three levels of analysis, this paper will assert that although Realism, Liberalism and Marxism differ significantly in their conception of IPE and assessment of global integration, it is primarily liberal economic principles operating within a realist framework that provide the most efficient mechanism for solving complex, global financial problems and generating extraordinary opportunity, innovation and socio-economic freedom for future generations. 

The first level of analysis will examine the different conceptions of (IPE) within each ideology, delineating similarities as well as significant differences. The second level will assess the phenomenon of global integration against the backdrop of each ideology’s important beliefs and policy implications. The third level of analysis consists of an assessment of the merits and dangers of “hegemonic stability” in international trade in context to the three IPE ideologies. The paper will conclude with some final thoughts on preventing future financial crises. 

* The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces. *]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/global-integration-as-seen-through-the-lenses-of-the-ideologies-of-the-international-political-economy/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">189</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>How Some Aspects of the International Economic System Impede and Some Enable Global Integration</title>
		<link>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/how-some-aspects-of-the-international-economic-system-impede-and-some-enable-global-integration/</link>
					<comments>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/how-some-aspects-of-the-international-economic-system-impede-and-some-enable-global-integration/#respond</comments>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[truepath]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 10 Feb 2013 03:08:25 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[International Relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intl. Political Economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Paid Content]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[bilateral trade agreements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[capital]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[credit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Doha Round]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FDI]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Direct Investment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[free markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[global integration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[illegal trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IMF]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international cooperation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[international institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[International Monetary Fund]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[loans]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Middle Income Countries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Multi-National Corporations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NAFTA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[North American Free Trade Agreement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[regimes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[rules]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[subsidies]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trading]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[wars of globalization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Bank]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[World Trade Organization]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[WTO]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/?p=182</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[There are many faces of global integration, both positive and negative, and almost as many definitions. Yet, in order to assess how aspects of the international system impede or enable it, we must define it. I characterize global integration as a social, economic, cultural and political “process of increasing interconnectedness” (Smith, Baylis, &#038; Owens 17) expressed  historically and empowered conceptually by a “dense network of international flows of goods, services, capital, information, ideas and people” (Spero &#038; Hart 453).  Regimes, institutions, states, regions and transnational issues have specific effects upon the international economic system. 

The purpose of this paper will be to detail the positive and negative effects of these important system variables. In doing so, I will make the case that global integration is increasing, irreversible in nature, and leading to a higher level of instability requiring enhanced international cooperation best expressed in an increased advisory role for international regimes and institutions as opposed to an increased authoritative and governance role.
 
The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.]]></description>
		
					<wfw:commentRss>https://kapoktreediplomacy.com/hp_wordpress/how-some-aspects-of-the-international-economic-system-impede-and-some-enable-global-integration/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
			<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">182</post-id>	</item>
	</channel>
</rss>
