{"id":288,"date":"2013-02-14T12:11:26","date_gmt":"2013-02-14T17:11:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/?p=288"},"modified":"2013-02-16T23:31:41","modified_gmt":"2013-02-17T04:31:41","slug":"zero-problems-turkey-free-preview","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/zero-problems-turkey-free-preview\/","title":{"rendered":"Zero Problems &#8211; Turkey &#8211; FREE PREVIEW"},"content":{"rendered":"<p align=\"center\"><b><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Zero Problems &#8211; Enhancing Security and Preventing Conflict in Turkey\u2019s Evolving Partnerships with the European Union, United States, Middle East, Russia and Eurasia<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\">{5,673 Words. 20 Pages. 61 References}<\/span><b><span style=\"color: #000000; font-family: Times New Roman;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\"><b><i>FREE PREVIEW<\/i><\/b><\/p>\n<p align=\"center\"><b><span style=\"color: #000000;\">TABLE OF CONTENTS (TOC)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">I.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/b><b>Section One \u2013 Europe and the Balkans<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">A.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>European Union (EU) Accession<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">B.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Cooperation with NATO<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">C.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Cyprus and Greece Conflict<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">II.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/b><b>Section Two \u2013 The Middle East<span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">A.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Israel<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">B.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Iran<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">C.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Syria<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">D.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Iraq<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">E.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Foreign Policy Perspective<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">III.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/b><b>Section Three \u2013 Eurasia and the Caucasus<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">A.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Russia<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">B.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Armenia and Azerbaijan<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">IV.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/b><b>Turkish Cooperation with the United States<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">V.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/b><b>Turkey\u2019s Domestic Issues<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">A.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>The Kurdish Problem<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">B.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Political Trends, Islam and Social Transformation<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">C.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span>Comparisons with China<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">VI.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/b><b>Conclusions: Conflict Prevention Through Strategic Counterbalancing<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<h5><b><span style=\"color: #000000;\">The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.<\/span><\/b><\/h5>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><b><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">Section One \u2013 Europe and the Balkans<\/span><\/b><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\"> (*not the complete section*)<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<h3><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\"><i><span style=\"color: #000000;\">European Union (EU) Accession. <\/span><\/i><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Ahmet Davuto\u011flu,<b> <\/b><\/span><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Turkey\u2019s Minister of Foreign Affairs,<b> <\/b><\/span><span style=\"color: #000000;\">says that EU Accession is on an \u201cirreversible course\u201d that will produce enhanced peace, stability, indivisibility of security, economic interdependence, cultural harmony and convergent interests in a region that includes the Balkans, the Caucasus, Europe and the Middle East (Davuto\u011flu<\/span><span style=\"color: #000000;\">:EU 12-17). The interests of the EU and Turkey do not, however, always converge harmoniously, and accession progress has slowed considerably since Brussels opened membership talks in 2005 with major regional security implications (Alessandri 28-29). <!--more--><\/span><\/span><\/h3>\n<h3><span style=\"color: #000000; font-family: Times New Roman;\">The European Commission on Enlargement (EC) has noted in its annual progress report that the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which came to power in 2002, has failed to \u201cnotably address the Kurdish issue (1)\u201d \u201cundermined freedom of the press (1),\u201d failed to sufficiently curtail human rights abuses (2) and protect minorities (3), made \u201cno progress towards normalization of bilateral relations with Cyprus\u201d (3), allowed relations with Israel to \u201csignificantly deteriorate\u201d (8), and did not ratify protocols to \u201cnormalize relations with Armenia\u201d (8). This doesn\u2019t sound like an irreversible course. <\/span><\/h3>\n<h3><span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\"><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Alessandri notes that the AKP has made \u201cEuropeanization \u2026 more peripheral\u201d to their goals, only instituting some minor reforms designed to preserve its own \u201cpower and self-perpetuation\u201d at the expense of true European integration and resolving the Kurdish issue which could explode at any time (25-27). \u00a0<\/span><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Turkish society has followed the AKP lead. \u201cIn 2004, 73% of Turks said that joining the EU would be a good thing. In 2010, just 38% of Turks said so\u201d (Transatlantic). EU leaders also seem to losing interest. \u201cGerman Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas Sarkozy have been at the forefront of opposing full Turkish membership in the EU,\u201d advocating a \u2018preferred partnership\u2019 instead (McNamara et. al. 13). If one looks at trade relations, the EU and Turkey already have a preferred partnership. <\/span><\/span><\/h3>\n<h3><span style=\"color: #000000;\">\u201cEurope is home to some 2.7 million Turks and supplies 56 percent of Turkey\u2019s tourists\u201d (ICG:208 15). The EU27 accounts for 75% of Turkish FDI inflows in 2008, 48.3 % of exports, and a 41.7% share of total Turkish trade, although total trade with the EU27 was traditionally in the 56-58% range prior to 2008 (Vira). Trade with the Near and Middle East has picked up the slack, doubling in the last ten years and reaching about 20 percent of the overall total volume (Barysch:2010 5). Ample trade may not be enough to guarantee accession or deter conflict. <span style=\"font-family: Times New Roman;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/h3>\n<h3><span style=\"color: #000000;\">Only 12 of the required 33 chapters for admission have been opened with another 12 currently blocked by EU member states (U.S. State Dept.). Eight of the blocked chapters relate to Turkey\u2019s refusal to honor the \u2018Ankara Protocol\u2019 related to extending an EU Customs Union to Cyprus and opening ports and airports to Greek Cypriot ships and planes respectively (Barysch:2010 3). Greece has also frequently opposed EU-Turkish relations, while the EU has not accepted Turkey into the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area (EMFTA) or European Defense Agency, both of which seem discriminatory (McNamara et. al. 14-15). Despite these speed bumps, EU-Turkish trade has flourished. <\/span><\/h3>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/ganxy.com\/i\/76259\" target=\"_blank\"><b>To purchase entire essay, please click this Ganxy link<\/b><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>European Union (EU) Accession. Ahmet Davuto\u011flu, Turkey\u2019s Minister of Foreign Affairs, says that EU Accession is on an \u201cirreversible course\u201d that will produce enhanced peace, stability, indivisibility of security, economic interdependence, cultural harmony and convergent interests in a region that includes the Balkans, the Caucasus, Europe and the Middle East (Davuto\u011flu:EU 12-17). The interests of the EU and Turkey do not, however, always converge harmoniously, and accession progress has slowed considerably since Brussels opened membership talks in 2005 with major regional security implications (Alessandri 28-29). <\/p>\n<p>The views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"advanced_seo_description":"","jetpack_seo_html_title":"","jetpack_seo_noindex":false,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[228,5,319],"tags":[416,419,405,411,99,409,407,415,404,417,408,422,410,38,418,420,56,412,302,413,421,255,414,406],"class_list":["post-288","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-free-content","category-international-relations","category-preventing-and-containing-international-conflicts","tag-ahmet-davutoglu","tag-akp","tag-balkans","tag-caucasus","tag-cooperation","tag-cyprus","tag-eu","tag-eu-accession","tag-europe","tag-european-commission-on-enlargement","tag-european-union","tag-europeanization","tag-greece","tag-human-rights","tag-justice-and-development-party","tag-kurds","tag-middle-east","tag-mustafa-kemal","tag-nato","tag-ottoman-empire","tag-preferred-partnership","tag-russia","tag-strategic-security-partnerships","tag-turkey"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p31a0x-4E","jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/288","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=288"}],"version-history":[{"count":6,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/288\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":320,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/288\/revisions\/320"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=288"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=288"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=288"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}