Section One – NATO – Brief History and Background<\/b><\/p>\n
Pre Cold War. <\/i>Hoehn and Harting note that increasing tensions with the Soviet Union over its Berlin Blockade (1948), China\u2019s \u201cshort-lived embrace of Moscow\u201d (5), and Communist incursions in Czechoslovakia and Korea led the United States, Canada and ten other Western European states to form NATO as a defensive alliance and formulate a policy of Soviet \u201ccontainment\u201d designed to \u201ckeep the Americans in, the Russians out, and the Germans down\u201d in April of 1949 (8). Despite occasional disagreements over burden-sharing and a dust-up with France, alliance members \u201cdeterred the Soviets, and integrated Germany into a collective defense system for the West\u201d over the next 40 years (Duignan 43), moving from a posture of deterrence to d\u00e9tente in a manner consistent with its values of \u201cdemocracy, individual liberty and the rule of law\u201d (NATO \u201cTreaty\u201d). ![\"\"](\"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-includes\/js\/tinymce\/plugins\/wordpress\/img\/trans.gif\" "\\"More...\\""){kind=spacer}
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Post Cold War. <\/i>NATO\u2019s success with facilitating European integration and deterring the Soviet threat was rewarded with the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and Soviet Union in 1991 (Medcalf 196-197), as NATO \u201cfound itself without an enemy\u201d for the first time in its history, earning a \u201cbloodless victory \u2026 without firing a shot\u201d (Duignan 46, 48). The collapse of the Soviet Union encouraged NATO to enlarge its membership into Eastern Europe (1999) and launch the Partnership for Peace (PfP) for military cooperation and dialogue with non-NATO states (1994) despite lingering doubts regarding NATO\u2019s post-Cold War purpose and identity (Duignan 58).<\/p>\n
\u201cSince the end of the Cold War, NATO has defined itself through its military response to \u201cout-of-area\u201d conflicts, first in Bosnia, then in Kosovo, and now in Afghanistan\u201d (Goldgeier 6). NATO has justified its continued existence and redefined its role as a \u201cmultinational grouping with responsibility for maintenance of regional order, even within the borders of states who are not members\u201d (Friedman 2008). In contrast to the Balkans operations where NATO handed off most of the non-military stabilization tasks, NATO has opted to handle more of the civilian and state-building tasks itself in Afghanistan.<\/p>\n
NATO issued Strategic Concepts in 1991 and 1999 to clarify its mission, but these merely reinforced NATO\u2019s role as a defensive alliance to deter the Soviets (Aybet & Moore 37). The \u201cComprehensive Political Guidance\u201d (CPG) document from the 2006 Riga Summit and the 2010 Strategic Concept, Active Engagement, Modern Defense<\/i>, made more of an effort to spell out NATO\u2019s grand strategy and Comprehensive Approach (CA) to intervene in failed or fragile states if necessary, coordinate with external actors, and strike a balance between Article 5 and non-Article 5 missions, rather than merely reaffirm its security-related core tasks and responsibilities (Aybet & Moore 44-45).<\/p>\n
Table of Contents<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n I. NATO – Brief History and Background<\/p>\n A. Pre-Cold War<\/p>\n B. Post-Cold War<\/p>\n II. Intervention in Bosnia<\/p>\n III. Intervention in Kosovo<\/p>\n IV. Intervention in Afghanistan<\/p>\n A. Purpose of the Mission<\/p>\n B. Mandate<\/p>\n C. National Caveats<\/p>\n D. Burden Sharing<\/p>\n E. Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs)<\/p>\n F. Comprehensive Approach (CA) to Post Conflict Reconstruction<\/p>\n G. Afghan National Army (ANA)<\/p>\n H. Afghan National Police (ANP)<\/p>\n I. Counter-Narcotics<\/p>\n J. Governance<\/p>\n K. Economic and Social Development<\/p>\n V. The Future of NATO in Afghanistan and Elsewhere<\/p>\n VI. Conclusions<\/p>\n {The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces}<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" As the North Atlantic Treaty Organization\u2019s (NATO) purpose has evolved from one \u201cresolved to unite their [members\u2019] efforts for collective defense and for the preservation of peace and security\u201d (NATO \u201cTreaty\u201d), to one of collective security responding to \u201cout of area\u201d conflicts, the organization has become far more than a military alliance. These conflicts have provided NATO the opportunity to engage in both military and non-military aspects of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) in robust peacebuilding operations aimed not only at stabilizing the security situation, but rebuilding the \u201csocioeconomic framework of society \u2026 [to include] the framework of governance and rule of law\u201d (Hamre & Sullivan 89).<\/p>\n NATO\u2019s \u2018comprehensive approach\u2019 to link up military and civilian resources has encountered numerous practical and political challenges, not the least of which has been a lack of adequate resources and uneven burden-sharing amongst its members. \u201cStated another way, NATO is an alliance \u2026 caught up in a myriad of contentious and costly operations that prevent it from appropriately posturing for the 21st century security environment\u201d (Warren 8). <\/p>\n This paper will explore NATO\u2019s challenges in coordinating the military and civilian aspects of PCR and answer the following questions: Is NATO effective at executing complex civil-military interventions, and secondly, has the alliance found its relevance and purpose?<\/p>\n {The posts, views and opinions expressed in this paper are completely my own and do not represent the views or opinions of the Department of Defense (DoD), the Department of the Navy (DON) or any of the Armed Forces}<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"advanced_seo_description":"","jetpack_seo_html_title":"","jetpack_seo_noindex":false,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[5,229,319],"tags":[725,727,753,449,695,726,728,752,588,724,627,762,22,763,760,90,733,734,761,723,737,770,343,755,729,756,590,738,37,26,766,730,566,747,293,126,292,125,754,749,744,731,264,745,735,562,575,302,757,110,739,732,750,660,751,765,463,464,251,640,615,768,767,764,771,618,255,741,28,740,607,736,696,769,758,112,742,746,743,51,748,759,382,127],"class_list":["post-352","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-international-relations","category-paid-content","category-preventing-and-containing-international-conflicts","tag-afghan-national-army","tag-afghan-national-police","tag-afghan-transitional-authority","tag-afghanistan","tag-al-qaeda","tag-ana","tag-anp","tag-bonn-peace-agreement","tag-bosnia","tag-burden-sharing","tag-capacity-building","tag-cerp","tag-china","tag-civil-military-operations","tag-coin","tag-cold-war","tag-collective-defense","tag-collective-security","tag-commanders-emergency-response-program","tag-comprehensive-approach","tag-containment","tag-core-institutions","tag-corruption","tag-counter-insurgency","tag-counter-narcotics","tag-counterterrorism","tag-dayton-accords","tag-defensive-alliance","tag-democracy","tag-development","tag-drug-trade","tag-economic-development","tag-governance","tag-history","tag-icty","tag-imf","tag-international-criminal-tribunal-for-the-former-yugoslavia","tag-international-monetary-fund","tag-international-security-assistance-force","tag-intervention","tag-iptf","tag-isaf","tag-kosovo","tag-kosovo-force","tag-military-allaince","tag-multilateral","tag-nation-building","tag-nato","tag-nato-isaf","tag-ngos","tag-non-article-5-missions","tag-north-atlantic-treaty-organization","tag-oef","tag-ohr","tag-operation-enduring-freedom","tag-opium","tag-organization-for-security-and-cooperation-in-europe","tag-osce","tag-pakistan","tag-police","tag-post-conflict-reconstruction-3","tag-president-karzai","tag-provincial-development-councils","tag-riga-summit","tag-robert-gates","tag-rule-of-law","tag-russia","tag-sfor","tag-soft-power","tag-stabilization-force","tag-state-building","tag-strategic-concept","tag-taliban","tag-tribal-leaders","tag-u-s-agency-of-international-development","tag-un","tag-un-high-commission-for-refugees","tag-un-interim-mission-in-kosovo","tag-un-international-police-task-force","tag-united-nations","tag-unmik","tag-usaid","tag-wb","tag-world-bank"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p31a0x-5G","jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/352","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=352"}],"version-history":[{"count":12,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/352\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":818,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/352\/revisions\/818"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=352"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=352"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/kapoktreediplomacy.com\/hp_wordpress\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=352"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}